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美国纽约大都会艺术博物馆展品查阅
美国纽约大都会艺术博物馆展品查阅
美国大都会艺术博物馆中的24万件展品,图片展示以及中文和英文双语介绍(中文翻译仅供参考)
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品名(中)哺乳动物盘
品名(英)Mammalian disk
入馆年号1979年,1979.206.510
策展部门迈克尔·洛克菲勒之翼The Michael C. Rockefeller Wing
创作者
创作年份公元 800 - 公元 1500
创作地区厄瓜多尔或哥伦比亚(Ecuador or Colombia)
分类金属装饰品(Metal-Ornaments)
尺寸直径 3 5/8 英寸 (9.2 厘米)
介绍(中)这个圆盘,很可能是胸饰或耳饰,由金属板制成。该设计显示了一张带有半圆形眼睛的哺乳动物脸,上面有由圆点组成的眉毛。该生物有一个三角形的鼻子,一个双头箭头形状的嘴巴,以及一个从嘴里延伸并暗示舌头的梯形元素。耳朵在面部两侧以相对直线的方式勾勒出来,垂直于中央浮雕,每只耳朵都挂着一个装饰品。

床单由黄金制成。鉴于浮雕装饰某些区域的粉红色调,可能存在一些铜。为了创建对象,金属工人参与了一个多步骤的过程。他们可能从一张更大的纸上凿出圆形。为了生产装饰,金属工人将板材放置在半球形空腔中,并将板材锤击以适应该空腔,从而在圆盘中心形成基本的半球形浮雕。在这个浮雕的边缘和装饰与普通外部区域相遇的边缘之间,艺术家追逐金属,或从正面锤击它,在哺乳动物脸部的中心设计周围创建一个凹陷区域。然后,他们创造了胸肌的更精细的细节:哺乳动物的脸,延伸到平坦外部区域的耳朵,以及面部上方和下方重复的圆形图案。这些细节是通过 repoussé 实现的,这是一个从反向锤击的过程。退火(请参阅注释[1]中的定义)可能在锤击循环之间使用,以软化金属并使其更有利于工作。最后,背面的毛刺表示艺术家从哺乳动物脸部上方的中心从正面穿孔装饰品。一个人可以通过将一根棉线或其他纤维悬挂在这个穿孔中来佩戴装饰品。

圆盘出土后的行程也塑造了它今天的外观。例如,正面有一些划痕,背面有更多划痕。这些是从抛光过程中发展而来的,可能是在物体挖掘后进行的,以增强其光泽。在背面,凹陷区域可见一些氧化,特别是面部上方和下方的一排圆形凹陷,构成眉毛的凹陷和适当的右眼。氧化的存在可能源于这些区域更难清洁的现实。该圆盘是在卡尔奇-纳里尼奥地区及其他地区制造的金属圆盘的一部分,进入厄瓜多尔沿海地区,可以描述为tincullpas。卡尔奇-纳里尼奥地区包括哥伦比亚西南部和厄瓜多尔西北部的安第斯高地,西部与沿海低地接壤,东部与热带低地接壤。[2]tincullpa这个名字可能是tincurpa的变体,由西班牙传教士巴勃罗·何塞·阿里亚加(1621年)在秘鲁记录,用于金属板或扣子。这是一个盖丘亚语术语,也被用来描述看起来与胸肌相似的耳坠。事实上,本例大小的tincullpas似乎确实成对存在,可能是作为耳饰。

Lleras(2015年,图62)与Carchi-Nariño地区有两个几乎相同的磁盘。这些在中心显示一张人脸,周围有 13 个圆圈,每个圆圈顶部都有一个穿孔。每个圆盘的直径为11.9厘米,略大于本例的直径。大都会的物品可能是一个耳饰,也是一对中的一个。但是,它的合作伙伴不在博物馆的收藏中。同时,重要的是要问学者如何解释这些物品作为耳饰。他们得出这个推论可能是因为两件物品在形式和图像上高度相似,或者因为它们成对进入博物馆收藏。或者,这种椎间盘作为胸肌佩戴(见下文)。

许多与此示例相似的圆盘也显示了哺乳动物的头部,通常具有人类特征。这些图案在西部沿海低地生产的La Tolita-Tumaco材料中尤为明显,学者(例如,Ugalde 2009)已将其确定为具有猫科动物或美洲虎特征。然而,罗德里格斯(Rodríguez,1992,82-83)提请注意耳朵的高度和长舌头作为kinkajou(Potos flavus)的指标。后一个特征可能被描述为某些磁盘上的附加金属条(有关更多信息,请参阅大都会艺术博物馆 1987.394.231)。

其他此类圆盘是Jama Coaque传统的一部分,根据文化解放者西蒙·玻利瓦尔中心(瓜亚基尔)(CCLSB)的在线数据库,该传统从公元前350年延伸到西班牙殖民时期。3] Jama Coaque艺术家以其陶瓷雕像而闻名。这一传统的地理重点是厄瓜多尔沿海的北部马纳比省。与本例类似的圆盘在中心显示一张哺乳动物的脸,周围有 16 个 repoussé 圆圈,在更突出的寄存器之间有两排更精细的浮雕装饰,类似于上面提到的两个"耳坠"。Gutiérrez(2011,图50d)将这张圆盘与Jama Coaque传统联系起来。然而,CCLSB在线数据库报告说,它是从厄瓜多尔图尔坎的Piedra Hollada(位于Carchi-Nariño地区)发现的,并将圆盘分配给Manteño金属加工传统。这些差异可能反映了这样一个现实,即如果没有考古背景,将物品归因于特定传统可能会成为一个挑战。当然,材料是从交易地点挖掘出来的,而不是从生产地挖掘出来的。María del Carmen Molestina(个人通讯,2017年)认为,在厄瓜多尔北部高地Alchipichí的人类墓葬中,36个tincullpas可能就是这种情况(另见Jijón y Caamaño 1920)。这些背景下的圆盘与归因于Manteño-Huancavilca传统的圆盘具有更大的亲和力,例如大都会艺术博物馆1987.394.231,通常似乎由镀金铜制成。这些圆盘中心的面也是人类或更广泛的哺乳动物,但特征不如本例中的圆盘那么圆润。

尽管如此,Jama Coaque艺术家确实对tincullpa形式感兴趣,Jama Coaque人可能已经佩戴过这种圆盘。古铁雷斯(2011,150)确定了27个陶瓷男性雕像,这些陶瓷男性雕像显示这些圆盘被用作胸肌。在文化部(基多)12.7.85收藏的一件物品上,该人蹲伏着,装饰盘从胸部延伸到腹部甚至膝盖。[4]有趣的是,曼特尼奥圆盘的规模似乎与本例不同。它们的直径往往更大:例如,Lleras(2015,图43)的一个例子为21.4厘米,大都会艺术博物馆1987.394.231为18厘米。因此,似乎至少有两种独立的传统来制作这些tincullpas,一种是较大的铜基圆盘,其中包含更锋利,更直线的浮雕装饰,另一种是较小的金基圆盘,显示出更圆润的装饰。这些椎间盘也可能有不同的用法:一个单独戴在胸部/腹部,另一个成对佩戴,可能戴在耳朵上。通常前者在顶部显示两个穿孔,后者有一个。但这些组并不相互排斥:一个带有浮雕哺乳动物面和边缘圆圈的圆盘,装饰完全填充金属板表面,归因于 Jama Coaque 传统,直径为 ~18 厘米,顶部显示两个穿孔(Lleras 2015,图 24)。

大都会的本例最好位于卡尔奇-纳里尼奥地区,作为卡普利建筑群(约公元800-1500年)的一部分。有三对类似的吊坠,分配给Capulí复合体,直径分别为8.8、9和10.2厘米,顶部似乎都有一个穿孔,在基多文化部(1-17-84,3-74-71和4-85-71)的收藏中,中心显示哺乳动物或人脸(瓦尔迪兹和维因蒂米拉1992年,货号162-164)。Capulí建筑群最初指的是陶瓷,但现在已扩展到包括金属制品(例如,大都会艺术博物馆2008.569.18)。卡普利与该地区的皮亚塔尔或皮阿尔塔尔-图扎综合体的关系已经相继重新考虑。这导致学者们回到重要的问题,即这些陶瓷和金属的发现在多大程度上反映了人们,以及这些发现所揭示的人与人之间的差异(见Quintero 2012,45-49)。如果没有进一步的背景,谁会佩戴这些吊坠的问题很难回答。如果考虑到它们在权力建设中的作用,这些圆盘可能不是一个人的永久财产。至少基于16世纪纳里尼奥地区的描述,领导力是偶发性的,并且由许多人在一个相对有限的区域内持有(Gnecco 2006,203)。也有可能是人们的部分意图不是佩戴这些圆盘,而是积累它们,或者以不同的方式,通过存放它们来使它们停止流通。在Alchipichí将一大群圆盘埋葬在单一环境中可能是这样一个例子。然而,Jama Coaque陶瓷雕像确实表明,人们至少在身体前部佩戴了单个圆盘。

这些磁盘的分布覆盖了广泛的地理区域,并且可能具有很长的持续时间。因此,重要的是要考虑圆盘的便携性以及佩戴或携带它们的人是否影响了与哥伦比亚和厄瓜多尔接壤的安第斯高地以及厄瓜多尔沿海地区的冶金创新。厄瓜多尔高原皮马皮罗区的遗址指出了空间上广泛的相互作用(Bray 2005)。卡普利和皮阿尔塔尔-图扎陶瓷以及类似规模的圆形房屋结构的存在意味着与北部的联系,更深入到卡尔奇-纳里尼奥地区。皮马皮罗遗址的热带鸟类证据表明,它们与东部低地的人们有互动。在像本例这样的圆盘上,对kinkajou或其他热带森林哺乳动物的可能描绘增加了跨不同环境区域这种相互作用的问题。这些例子导致考虑预定义考古区域的局限性的重要性,它们在多大程度上是流动的,以及实际上它们对谁有用。就这些圆盘而言,当人们相互展示这些圆盘时所涉及的社会互动和知识交流创造了一个实践社区,可能延伸到高地以及高地和西部和东部地区之间。

布莱恩·科克雷尔,策展研究员,非洲、大洋洲和美洲艺术

2017 [1] 在退火时,金属工人对金属施加热量以减少积聚在其中的应力,从而使其更有利于工作。根据所施加的热量的温度,金属可能会发生重结晶,从而产生新的金属晶粒来代替旧的金属晶粒,从而进一步增强工作性能。

[2]考古区的名称是指厄瓜多尔的卡尔奇省和哥伦比亚的纳里尼奥省。

[3] CCLSB是前人类和当代艺术博物馆。

[4] 文化部目前收藏着基多国家博物馆的藏品。

相关对象: 1987.394.231, 2008.569.18

延伸阅读

布雷,塔玛拉L."厄瓜多尔皮马皮罗的多民族定居点和区域间交流"。田野考古学报 30, no. 2 (2005): 119-141.

格内科,克里斯托瓦尔。"哥伦比亚前史诗节发展。"《哥伦比亚地拉那的反:苏拉梅里卡之视》,克里斯托瓦尔·格内科和卡尔·亨里克·朗格拜克编辑,第191-214页。波哥大:洛斯安第斯大学,2006年。

古铁雷斯·乌西洛斯,安德烈斯。El eje del universo: Chamanes, sacerdotes y religiosidad en la la cultura jama coaque del Ecuador prehispánico.马德里:文化部,2011年。

希洪和卡马尼奥,哈辛托。"厄瓜多尔的金属问题和缺陷。"厄瓜多尔社会1,第1期(1920年):4-43。

勒拉斯·佩雷斯,罗伯托。古代厄瓜多尔的冶金。牛津: 考古出版社, 2015.

昆特罗·古兹曼,胡安·巴勃罗。"博物馆中的艺术:纳里尼奥帕斯托博物馆的场景。"在洛斯"teatros"de la memoria,由路易斯·冈萨雷斯·哈拉米略E.和米格尔·萨尔格·费罗编辑,41-59。波哥大: 洛斯安第斯大学, 2012.

罗德里格斯·巴斯蒂达斯、埃德加·埃米利奥。纳里尼奥动物群。波哥大圣塔菲:国家考古调查基金会(共和国银行),哥伦比亚人类学研究所,1992年。

乌加尔德,玛丽亚·费尔南达。托利塔文化圣像:区域发展代表的意识形态理论。威斯巴登:赖歇特,2009年。

瓦尔迪兹,弗朗西斯科和迭戈·维因蒂米拉,编辑美洲印第安人标志:厄瓜多尔前哥伦布时期艺术的5000年。巴黎:科利布里教育出版社,1992年。
介绍(英)This disk, most likely a pectoral or ear ornament, is made of metal sheet. The design shows a mammalian face with semicircular eyes above which there are eyebrows comprised of circular dots. The creature has a triangular nose, a mouth in the shape of a double-headed arrow, and a trapezoidal element that extends from the mouth and suggests a tongue. Ears are outlined in a relatively rectilinear fashion on either side of the face, perpendicular to the central relief, and each ear shows an ornament hanging from it.

The sheet is made of gold. There may be some copper present given the pink tones of certain areas of the relief decoration. To create the object, metalworkers engaged in a multi-step process. They likely chiseled the circular shape from a larger sheet. In order to produce the decoration, the metalworkers placed the sheet in a hemispherical cavity and hammered the sheet to fit into this cavity, creating the basic hemispherical relief at the center of the disk. Between the edge of this relief and the edge where the decoration meets the plain outer region, the artists chased the metal, or hammered it from the front, to create a recessed area around the central design of the mammal’s face. They then created the finer details of the pectoral: the mammal’s face, its ears that extend into the plain outer region, and the repeated circular motif above and below the face. These details were achieved through repoussé, a process of hammering from the reverse. Annealing (please see definition in note [1]) was likely used in between hammering cycles in order to soften the metal and make it more conducive to working. Finally, burrs on the reverse indicate that an artist perforated the ornament from the front, at the center above the mammal’s face. A person could wear the ornament by suspending a thread of cotton or another fiber through this perforation.

The itinerary of the disk after its excavation also has shaped its appearance today. For instance, there are some scratches on the obverse and more on the reverse. These developed from the process of polishing, likely carried out after the object’s excavation, in order to enhance its luster. On the reverse, there is some oxidation visible in the recessed areas, particularly the row of circular depressions above and below the face, the depressions that comprise the eyebrows, and the proper right eye. The presence of oxidation likely stems from the reality that these areas were more difficult to clean. This disk is part of a corpus of metal disks made in the Carchi-Nariño region and beyond, into coastal Ecuador, that could be described as tincullpas. The Carchi-Nariño region includes the Andean highlands of southwestern Colombia and northwestern Ecuador, bordered by the coastal lowlands to the west and the tropical lowlands to the east.[2] The name tincullpa may be a variation of tincurpa, which was recorded by the Spanish missionary Pablo José Arriaga (1621) in Peru for metal plates or clasps. It is a Quechua term and also has been applied to describe ear pendants that appear similar to the pectorals. Indeed, tincullpas of the size of the present example do seem to be found in pairs, potentially as ear ornaments.

There are two nearly identical disks that Lleras (2015, fig. 62) associates with the Carchi-Nariño region. These show a human face at center, surrounded by 13 circles, with one perforation at the top of each. The diameter of each disk is 11.9 cm, slightly larger than that of the present example. The object at the Metropolitan may be an ear ornament, and one of a pair. However, its partner is not in the Museum’s collections. At the same time, it is important to ask how scholars interpret these objects as ear ornaments. They may have arrived at this inference because of the high similarity in form and iconography between two objects or because of their accession to museum collections as pairs. Alternatively, such disks were worn as pectorals (see below).

Many of the disks similar to this example also show the heads of mammals, often with human features. Such motifs are especially evident in La Tolita-Tumaco materials produced in the coastal lowlands to the west, where scholars (e.g., Ugalde 2009) have identified them as showing feline or specifically jaguar characteristics. Rodríguez (1992, 82-83), however, has drawn attention to the height of the ears and the long tongue as indicators of a kinkajou (Potos flavus). The latter feature may be depicted as an attached strip of metal on some disks (please see Metropolitan Museum of Art 1987.394.231 for further information).

Other such disks are part of the Jama Coaque tradition, which extends from ca. 350 B.C. to Spanish colonization, according to the online database of the Centro Cultural Libertador Simón Bolívar (Guayaquil) (CCLSB).[3] Jama Coaque artists are especially known for their ceramic figurines. The geographic focus of this tradition is the northern Manabí province of coastal Ecuador. A disk similar to the present example shows a mammalian face at center, 16 repoussé circles around it, and two rows of finer embossed decoration between the more prominent registers, similar to the two “ear pendants” mentioned above. Gutiérrez (2011, fig. 50d) associates this disk with the Jama Coaque tradition. The CCLSB online database reports, however, that it was recovered from Piedra Hollada at Tulcán, in Ecuador (situating it in the Carchi-Nariño region) and assigns the disk to the Manteño tradition of metalworking. These discrepancies likely reflect the reality that, without archaeological context, the attribution of objects to particular traditions can become a challenge. It is certainly possible that materials were excavated from places to which they were traded, rather than where they were produced. María del Carmen Molestina (personal communication, 2017) suggests this may be the case for 36 tincullpas that were deposited in a ceramic vessel in a human burial at Alchipichí, in the northern highlands of Ecuador (see also Jijón y Caamaño 1920). The disks from these contexts have greater affinity to those ascribed to the Manteño-Huancavilca tradition, such as Metropolitan Museum of Art 1987.394.231, which often appear to be made of gilded copper. The faces at the centers of these disks are also human or more broadly mammalian, but the features are less rounded than those of disks like the present example.

Nevertheless, Jama Coaque artists did take interest in the tincullpa form, and Jama Coaque people may have worn such disks. Gutiérrez (2011, 150) identified 27 ceramic male figurines that show these disks being used as pectorals. On an object in the collections of the Ministerio de Cultura (Quito) 12.7.85, the person is shown crouching, with the decorated disk extending from their chest to their stomach and even to their knees.[4] Interestingly, the Manteño disks appear to be on a different scale than the present example. They tend to be larger in diameter: for instance, 21.4 cm for an example in Lleras (2015, fig. 43) and 18 cm for Metropolitan Museum of Art 1987.394.231. It appears, then, that there are at least two separate traditions of making these tincullpas, one of larger copper-based disks that contain sharper, more rectilinear embossed decoration and one of smaller gold-based disks that show more rounded decoration. These disks also may have been used differently: one worn individually on the chest/stomach and one worn in pairs, possibly on the ears. Often the former show two perforations at top and the latter have one. But the groups are not mutually exclusive: a disk with an embossed mammalian face and circles around the edge, the decoration filling out the surface of the metal sheet completely, is ascribed to the Jama Coaque tradition, has a diameter of ~18 cm, and shows two perforations at top (Lleras 2015, fig. 24).

The present example at the Metropolitan is best situated in the Carchi-Nariño region as part of the Capulí complex (ca. A.D. 800-1500). There are three pairs of similar pendants, assigned to the Capulí complex, that are 8.8, 9, and 10.2 cm in diameter, all appearing to have a single perforation at top, showing mammalian or human faces at center in the collections of the Ministerio de Cultura (Quito) (1-17-84, 3-74-71, and 4-85-71) (Valdez and Veintimilla 1992, cat. no. 162-164). The Capulí complex originally referred to ceramics but now has expanded to encompass metalwork (e.g., Metropolitan Museum of Art 2008.569.18). The relationship of Capulí with the Piartal or Piartal-Tuza complex of this region has been successively rethought. This has led scholars to return to the important question of the extent to which these finds of ceramics and metals index people, and the differences between people that these reveal (see Quintero 2012, 45-49). The question of who would have worn these pendants is difficult to answer without further context. If their role in the construction of power is considered, these disks may not have been the permanent possessions of one person. Leadership, at least based on accounts of the Nariño region in the 16th century, was episodic and held by many people across a relatively confined area (Gnecco 2006, 203). It is also possible that part of people’s intention was not to wear these disks but to accumulate them, or in a different way, to take them out of circulation by depositing them. The burial of a large group of disks in a single context at Alchipichí may be such an instance. The Jama Coaque ceramic figurines do suggest, however, that people wore at least the single disks on the front of their body.

The distribution of these disks covers a wide geographic region and perhaps a substantial duration. Thus, it is important to consider whether the disks’ portability and people wearing or carrying them influenced metallurgical innovations in the Andean highlands bordering Colombia and Ecuador, and in Coastal Ecuador. Sites in the Pimapiro district in highland Ecuador point to spatially broad interactions (Bray 2005). The presence of Capulí and Piartal-Tuza ceramics and circular house structures of similar scales imply connections to the north, deeper into the Carchi-Nariño region. Evidence of tropical birds at Pimapiro sites suggests interactions with people in the lowlands to the east. On disks such as the present example, the possible portrayal of a kinkajou or other tropical forest mammal adds to this question of such interaction across different environmental zones. These examples lead to the importance of considering the limits of pre-defined archaeological regions, to what extent they are fluid and, in reality, for whom they are useful. In the case of these disks, the social interactions and exchanges of knowledge that were involved when people displayed these disks to one another created a community of practice, likely extending across the highlands as well as between the highlands and regions to the west and east.

Bryan Cockrell, Curatorial Fellow, Arts of Africa, Oceania, and the Americas 2017

[1] In annealing, metalworkers apply heat to the metal in order to reduce the stress that has accumulated in it, thereby making it more conducive for working. Depending on the temperature of the heat applied, the metal may undergo recrystallization in which new metal grains are created in the place of older ones, further enhancing working properties.

[2] The archaeological region’s name refers to the Carchi province of Ecuador and the Nariño department of Colombia.

[3] The CCLSB is the former Museo Antropológico y de Arte Contemporáneo.

[4] The Ministerio de Cultura currently holds the collections of the Museo Nacional de Quito.

Related objects: 1987.394.231, 2008.569.18

Further reading

Bray, Tamara L. “Multiethnic Settlement and Interregional Exchange in Pimapiro, Ecuador.” Journal of Field Archaeology 30, no. 2 (2005): 119-141.

Gnecco, Cristóbal. “Desarrollo prehispánico desigual en el suroccidente de Colombia.” In Contra la tiranía tipológica en Colombia: Una visión desde suramérica, edited by Cristóbal Gnecco and Carl Henrik Langebaek, 191-214. Bogotá: Universidad de los Andes, 2006.

Gutiérrez Usillos, Andrés. El eje del universo: Chamanes, sacerdotes y religiosidad en la cultura Jama Coaque del Ecuador prehispánico. Madrid: Ministerio de Cultura, 2011.

Jijón y Caamaño, Jacinto. “Los tincullpas y notas acerca de la metalurgia de los aborígenes del Ecuador.” Boletín de la Sociedad Ecuatoriana 1, no. 1 (1920): 4-43.

Lleras Pérez, Roberto. Metallurgy in Ancient Ecuador. Oxford: Archaeopress, 2015.

Quintero Guzmán, Juan Pablo. “El arqueólogo en el museo: Detrás del escenario del Museo del Oro en Pasto, Nariño.” In Los “teatros” de la memoria, edited by Luis González Jaramillo E. and Miguel Salge Ferro, 41-59. Bogotá: Universidad de los Andes, 2012.

Rodríguez Bastidas, Edgar Emilio. Fauna precolombina de Nariño. Santafé de Bogotá: Fundación de Investigaciones Arqueológicas Nacionales (Banco de la República), Instituto Colombiano de Antropología, 1992.

Ugalde, María Fernanda. Iconografía de la cultura Tolita: Lecturas del discurso ideológico en las representaciones figurativas del Desarrollo Regional. Wiesbaden: Reichert, 2009.

Valdez, Francisco and Diego Veintimilla, eds. Amerindian Signs: 5,000 Years of Precolumbian Art in Ecuador. Paris: Ediciones Colibrí, 1992.
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