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美国纽约大都会艺术博物馆展品查阅
美国纽约大都会艺术博物馆展品查阅
美国大都会艺术博物馆中的24万件展品,图片展示以及中文和英文双语介绍(中文翻译仅供参考)
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品名(中)年轻的施洗者圣约翰
品名(英)Young St. John the Baptist
入馆年号1968年,68.141.10
策展部门欧洲雕塑和装饰艺术European Sculpture and Decorative Arts
创作者Antonio Lombardo【1453 至 1516】【意大利人】
创作年份公元 1500 - 公元 1515
创作地区
分类雕塑青铜(Sculpture-Bronze)
尺寸整体 (confirmed): 5 1/2 × 5 1/8 × 4 1/4 英寸 (14 × 13 × 10.8 厘米)
介绍(中)从他的毛皮镶边衬衫可以看出,施洗约翰被想象成一个小天使般的婴儿,有着清晰的卷发、高高的前额和胖乎乎的脖子。他的头向右倾斜,眼睛梦幻般地向外张望。他张开的嘴唇,露出上齿,暗示着他在说话,预示着他将成为一名传教士。大都会博物馆的青铜半身像是以同一模型命名的五个已知铸件之一。其他的在阿什莫尔美术馆、巴杰罗美术馆和休斯顿美术馆。[1] 第五次是在柏林。[2] 长期以来,它们一直与一系列理想的女性青铜半身像联系在一起,这些半身像被认为来自同一个范围:1500年左右的威尼斯,特别是伦巴多工作室。[3]

普遍的共识是,年轻的约翰和女性半身像的模型都可以归功于威尼斯雕塑家安东尼奥·隆巴多。1907年,威廉·冯·博德首次出版了这些青铜作品,他将这些青铜男孩归功于洛伦佐之子佛罗伦萨雕塑家维托里奥·吉贝尔蒂。[4] 在随后的出版物中,博德提出了各种各样的意见,提出了Antico这个名字,并最终形成了一个普遍的佛罗伦萨环境。[5] 1937年,Leo Planiscig将这些半身像确定为浸礼会约翰,并将其与伦巴多工作室联系起来,特别是在与1506-8年在威尼斯圣马可禅堂执行的基督之子进行比较的基础上,将其作为安东尼奥的作品。[6]这种归属已被普遍接受,尽管后来的作家有时会通过将他们识别为"圆圈"或"方式"来进行回避。[7]

年轻的约翰的特征和禅宗教堂的基督之子之间的联系是有说服力的,安东尼奥在大理石浮雕中的理想女性和女性形象的青铜头像之间的相似之处也是如此。[8] 在禅宗礼拜堂的人物铸造方面存在着复杂的分工,而缺乏关于图利奥青铜风格的证据,这使得人们很难将其与安东尼奥联系起来。[9] 尽管如此,上述风格证据有力地表明了后者在人物造型中的作用,以及至少有两尊青铜女性半身像在安东尼奥的费拉雷斯时期被送往意大利北部或在意大利北部生产的说法。[10]

关于青铜器的一个悬而未决的问题是Severo da Ravenna及其铸造厂的作用,正如Manfred Leithe Jasper在1986年首次提出的那样。[11]Severo曾在威尼斯与Pietro Lombardo一起训练,并与家族关系密切。年轻的约翰最好的铸件通常被认为是巴杰罗和阿什莫尔的铸件,它们的年代通常可以追溯到16世纪,具有塞维罗铸造厂青铜的一些特征。[12] 例如,Ashmolean铸件包含四个矩形铁芯支撑销,这些支撑销被认为是Severo的商标。对于现在的青铜,必须更加谨慎,因为它有非常薄、均匀的墙壁,没有典型的塞维兰塞子的证据,还有蜡中的头发等细节,所有这些都与塞维罗商店不一致。[13]

值得强调的是,这些青铜器在1500年左右的威尼斯圈子里是多么富有创造力。在佛罗伦萨四世纪中期,一群群年幼的孩子,包括那些伪装成浸礼会圣约翰的孩子,在大理石和其他材料中越来越受欢迎。[14] 作为这座城市的守护神,"乔瓦尼诺"类型的吸引力并不令人惊讶。[15] 1500年左右,在威尼斯,婴儿约翰开始频繁地出现在乔瓦尼·贝里尼的《圣母与孩子》画作中。布莱恩·斯蒂尔探讨了其中的原因,其中包括世纪之交威尼斯对家庭生活和家庭生活的新重视。[16] 此外,这座城市以其与圣人的联系而自豪,自13世纪初以来,它在圣马可拥有一座头部遗迹

半身像的截短、小巧和材质也有助于它们的新颖性。它们很可能是为了私人、家庭领域,也许是为了与美女的头部对话,尽管它们也可能有虔诚的目的。目前的青铜暂时与1892年伊夫夫人收藏的一件青铜有关,但这一点仍不确定。[17]
-JF

脚注
。Ashmolean半身像(WA1963.38),见Warren 2014,第148-53页,第41号,参考Bargello(35)、MFAH(44.588)和Met半身像,见第153页,nn。3-5(另见C.Wilson 2001)。2.1945年之前在柏林博物馆(7185),之前在卡塞尔,现已失传;沃伦,2014年,第153页,第6页
3.关于理想年轻女性的半身像,请参阅Warren 2016,第1卷,第218–23页,第53号,关于华莱士收藏馆(S62)的青铜,参考艺术史博物馆(KK 9098)、摩德纳埃斯滕塞美术馆(22602261)和柏林博物馆(298)的其他半身像,见222 nn页。7–9。
4。博德1907–12,第1卷,第8页
5.关于Antico的归属,部分基于黑色铜绿(目前的青铜也具有黑色铜绿),请参见Bode 1915,cols。69–71,以及博德1922年的后续行动,第5页
6.1937年规划。关于禅宗礼拜堂,见Jestaz 1986
7.例如,参见Bode和Draper 1980,第89页
8.见1937年平面图;Luchs 1995,第100–102页、第173–74页、第288–90页;Luchs 2009,第63、89–90、113页
9.正如Alison Luchs所写(1995年,第99页),"很少有作品比这些青铜器更生动地展示了将Tullio的作品与Antonio的作品区分开来的常见困难…"
10。安东尼奥职业生涯的最后阶段是在费拉拉为阿方索一世(Alfonso I d‘Este)工作,早期摩德纳库存中的两尊青铜女性半身像表明,这两尊半身像是艺术家在搬家前送到那里的,或者是以费拉拉为模型
介绍(英)Identifiable by his fur-trimmed shirt, John the Baptist is envisaged as a cherubic infant with well-articulated curls, a high forehead, and a chubby neck. His head tilts toward his right, and his eyes peer off dreamily. His parted lips, revealing his upper teeth, suggest speaking, presaging his role as preacher. The Met’s bronze bust is one of five known casts after the same model. The others are in the Ashmolean, the Bargello, and the Museum of Fine Arts, Houston.[1] The fifth was formerly in Berlin.[2] They have long been connected to a series of ideal female bronze busts dressed all’antica suggested to have derived from the same ambit: Venice around 1500, and specifically the Lombardo workshop.[3]

The prevailing consensus is that the models for both the young John and the busts of women can be attributed to the Venetian sculptor Antonio Lombardo. They were first published by Wilhelm von Bode in 1907, who attributed the bronze boys to the Florentine sculptor Vittorio Ghiberti, son of Lorenzo.[4] In subsequent publications, Bode offered various opinions, putting forth the name Antico, and ultimately, a general Florentine milieu.[5] It was Leo Planiscig in 1937 who identified the busts as John the Baptist and connected them to the Lombardo workshop, specifically as the work of Antonio on the basis of comparison to the Christ Child in the Zen Chapel of San Marco, Venice, executed in 1506–8.[6] This ascription has been generally accepted, though later writers sometimes hedged by identifying them as in the “circle” or “manner” of.[7]

The link between the features of the young John and the Zen Chapel’s Christ Child is persuasive, as are the similarities between the bronze heads of the ideal women and female figures by Antonio in his marble reliefs.[8] There are complications regarding the division of labor in terms of the casting of figures for the Zen Chapel, and the paucity of evidence regarding Tullio’s style in bronze make an incontrovertible connection to Antonio difficult.[9] Still, the aforementioned stylistic evidence points strongly to the latter’s role in modeling the figures, as does the proposal that at least two of the bronze female busts were either sent to or produced in northern Italy during Antonio’s Ferrarese period.[10]

An open question regarding the bronzes concerns the role of Severo da Ravenna and his foundry, as first suggested by Manfred Leithe-Jasper in 1986.[11] Severo had trained with Pietro Lombardo in Venice and had close ties to the family. The finest casts of the young John—typically considered those in the Bargello and the Ashmolean—are generally dated to the sixteenth century and feature some hallmarks of bronzes that emerged from Severo’s foundry.[12] The Ashmolean cast, for example, contains four rectangular iron core-support pins that have been considered Severo’s trademark. More caution must be exercised in regards to the present bronze, which has very thin, even walls, no evidence of typical Severan plugs, and details such as the hair worked up in the wax, all at odds with the Severo shop.[13]

It is worth underlining how inventive these bronzes were in Venetian circles around 1500. Busts of young children, including those in the guise of Saint John the Baptist, had gained popularity in marble and other materials in mid-quattrocento Florence.[14] As that city’s patron saint, the appeal of the “Giovannino” type is not surprising.[15] In Venice, around 1500, the infant John began appearing with some frequency in paintings of the Virgin and Child, by Giovanni Bellini for instance. Brian Steele has explored the reasons for this, which include a new emphasis on domesticity and family life in Venice at the turn of the century.[16] Additionally, the city boasted its own connections to the saint, possessing a head relic in San Marco since the early thirteenth century.

The busts’ truncation, diminutive size, and material also contributed to their novelty. They were likely intended for a private, domestic sphere, perhaps in conversation with the heads of beautiful women, though they may also have had a devotional purpose. The present bronze has been tentatively connected to one sold from the collection of Mme d’Yvon in 1892, though this remains uncertain.[17]
-JF

Footnotes
(For key to shortened references see bibliography in Allen, Italian Renaissance and Baroque Bronzes in The Metropolitan Museum of Art. NY: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2022.)


1. For the Ashmolean bust (WA1963.38), see Warren 2014, pp. 148–53, no. 41, with reference to the Bargello (35), MFAH (44.588), and Met busts at p. 153, nn. 3–5 (see also C. Wilson 2001). 2. Now lost, before 1945 in the Staatliche Museen, Berlin (7185), previously in Kassel; Warren 2014, p. 153 n. 6.
3. For the busts of the ideal young women, see Warren 2016, vol. 1, pp. 218–23, no. 53, on the bronze in the Wallace Collection (S62), with reference to others in the Kunsthistorisches Museum (KK 9098), Galleria Estense, Modena (2260, 2261), and Staatliche Museen, Berlin (298) at p. 222 nn. 7–9.
4. Bode 1907–12, vol. 1, p. 8.
5. For the Antico attribution, partially on the basis of black patination (which the present bronze has as well), see Bode 1915, cols. 69–71, and the follow-up in Bode 1922, p. 5.
6. Planiscig 1937. For the Zen Chapel, see Jestaz 1986.
7. See, for example, Bode and Draper 1980, p. 89.
8. See Planiscig 1937; Luchs 1995, pp. 100–102, 173–74, 288–90; Luchs 2009, pp. 63, 89–90, 113.
9. As Alison Luchs wrote (1995, p. 99), “few works demonstrate more graphically than these bronzes the frequent difficulty of distinguishing Tullio’s work from Antonio’s . . .”
10. Antonio spent the last phase of his career working for Alfonso I d’Este in Ferrara, and the presence of the two bronze female busts in early Modenese inventories suggests these were sent there by the artist in advance of his move or modeled in Ferrara and cast in Padua. See the discussion in Warren 2014, p. 151. It was Luchs 1995, p. 173 n. 71, who suggested the Modena busts can be connected to a 1629 inventory.
11. See Leithe-Jasper 1986, p. 136.
12. See discussion in Warren 2014, p. 151, with reference to Stone 2006. It is interesting to note that XRF identified the alloy as brass, which is typical of Severo’s production. R. Stone/TR, 2011.
13. James David Draper (in Untermyer 1977, p. 164, no. 305) described it as by “a relatively heavy hand, and the features are as a result both hard and saccharine. However, the interior of the cast is briskly tooled in a way seen in good early bronzes.” One may more charitably describe the present bronze as possessing a refinement in the definition of features more characteristic of the later cinquecento.
14. See Coonin 1995 for a summary.
15. See the classic studies: Lavin 1955 and 1961.
16. See Steele 1994.
17. See Warren 2014, p. 153 n. 5, though a note in ESDA/OF suggests this may be the bronze formerly in the Philippe Wiener collection and now in Houston. The collection of Mme d’Yvon was sold at Galerie Georges Petit, Paris, May 30–June 4, 1892. Lot 276 describes a “Buste de jeune enfant. La tête légèrment penchée vers la gauche, ses cheveux sont frisés. Une peau de bête est drapée sur son épaule droite. Bronze à patine brune. Italie. XVIIe siècle. Socle en marbre.—Haut., 13 cm.” A copy of the sales catalogue contains the handwritten annotation “1600 Picard” in the margin, indicating the price and buyer.
  大都会艺术博物馆,英文 Metropolitan Museum of Art,是美国最大的艺术博物馆,世界著名博物馆,位于美国纽约第五大道的82号大街。
  大都会博物馆回顾了人类自身的文明史的发展,与中国北京的故宫、英国伦敦的大英博物馆、法国巴黎的卢浮宫、俄罗斯圣彼得堡的艾尔米塔什博物馆并称为世界五大博物馆。